Maya cuisine

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Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. Ancient Maya cuisine was varied and extensive. Many different types of resources were consumed, including maritime, flora, and faunal material, and food was obtained or produced through a host of strategies, such as hunting, foraging, and large-scale agricultural production. Plant domestication focused on several core foods, the most important of which was maize.

Much of the Maya food supply was grown in agricultural fields and forest gardens, known as pet kot.[1] The system takes its name from the low wall of stones (pet meaning "circular" and kot "wall of loose stones") that characteristically surrounds the gardens.

The Maya adopted a number of adaptive techniques that, if necessary, allowed for the clear-cutting of land and re-infused the soil with nutrients. Among these was slash-and-burn, or swidden, agriculture, a technique that cleared and temporarily fertilized the area. For example, the introduction of ash into the soil raises the soil’s pH, which in turn raises the content of a variety of nutrients, especially phosphorus, for a short period of time of around two years. However, the soil will not remain suitable for planting for as many as ten years. This technique, common throughout the Maya area, is still practiced today in the Maya region. Complementing swidden techniques were crop rotation and farming, employed to maintain soil viability and increase the variety of crops.

To completely understand how and in what quantities food resources were relied upon by the Ancient Maya, stable isotopic analysis has been utilized. This method allows for the stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes to be chemically extracted from animal and human skeletal remains. These elements are then run through a mass spectrometer and the values display the enrichment of maize and the extent of aquatic resources in an individual's diet.[2]

Ethnohistoric and paleoethnobotanical evidence for plant staples

Varieties of maize

Paleoethnobotanical studies consist of the examination of micro and macro plant remains found within measured units of soil taken from an archaeological context.[3] Macro-remains are separated from the soil through a flotation process while microremains are chemically extracted from the flotation samples.[4] The earliest archaeological plant remains within the Maya region are from Cuello, Belize, and predate Preclassic sites. The majority of plant remains fall within the Preclassic-Postclassic and allow for researchers to discuss subsistence patterns that revolve around domesticated and wild/partially cultivated plants. Information for the Classic period, the most widely studied period for the Maya, come from the sites of Cobá, Cerén, Dos Pilas, Wild Cane Cay, Copán, Tikal, and Río Azul.[3] This range of sites also allows for insight into regional differences based on the environment and access to local resources, such as aquatic and marine life.[5]

Maya diet focused on four domesticated crops (staple crops): maize, squash, beans (typically Phaseolus vulgaris) and chili peppers. The first three cultivars are commonly referred to in North America as the "Three Sisters" and, when incorporated in a diet, complement one another in providing necessary nutrients.[6] Among the three, maize was the central component of the diet of the ancient Maya, and figured prominently in Maya mythology and ideology. Archaeological evidence suggest that Chapalote-Nal-Tel was the dominant species, however it is likely others were being exploited also.[7] Maize was used and eaten in a variety of ways, but was always nixtamalized. Nixtamalization (a term that derives from the Nahuatl word for the process) is a procedure in which maize is soaked and cooked in an alkaline solution. This releases niacin, a necessary B vitamin (vitamin B3) that prevents pellagra and reduces incidents of protein deficiency.

Once nixtamalized, maize was typically ground up on a metate and prepared in a number of ways. Tortillas, cooked on a comal and used to wrap other foods (meat, beans, etc.), were common and are perhaps the best-known pre-Columbian Mesoamerican food. Tamales consist of corn dough, often containing a filling, that are wrapped in a corn husk and steam-cooked. Both atole and pozole were liquid-based gruel-like dishes that were made by mixing ground maize (hominy) with water, with atole being denser and used as a drinking source and pozole having complete big grains of maize incorporated into a turkey broth. Though these dishes could be consumed plain, other ingredients were added to diversify flavor, including chili peppers, cacao, wild onions and salt.

Along with maize, beans—both domestic and wild—and squash were relied on as evident from the remains at Ceren, El Salvador, the Mesoamerican Pompeii.[8]

An alternative view is that manioc cassava was the easily grown staple crop of the Maya and that maize was revered because it was prestigious and harder to grow.[9] This proposal was based on the inability of maize to meet the nutritional needs of densely populated Maya areas. Manioc can meet those needs. Because tuberous manioc rarely survives in the archaeological record, evidence for this view has been lacking, although recent finds in volcanic ash at the southern Maya site of Joya de Cerén in El Salvador may be such evidence.[10]

Several different varieties of beans were grown, including pinto, red and black beans. The ancient Maya also relied on tree cropping for access to foods such as tomato, chili peppers, avocado, breadnut, guava, soursop, mammee apple, papaya, pineapple, pumpkin, sweet potato, and Xanthosoma.[3] Chaya was cultivated for its green leaves. Chayote was cultivated for its fruit, and its tender green shoots were used as a vegetable. Various herbs were grown and used, including vanilla, epazote, achiote (and the annatto seed), Canella, Hoja santa (Piper auritum), avocado leaves, garlic vine, Mexican oregano, and allspice.

While paleoethnobotanical remains demonstrate these crops were relied on in some form by all Maya groups, it is clear that different subsistence strategies were relied on. For instance some fields were planted away from the household groups while some fields are adjacent to households. Farming techniques includes terracing, raised fields, check dams, drained fields, kitchen gardens, forest gardens, and other forms of irrigation.[11][12][13] Other crops have also been investigated as part of the diet of Ancient Maya; chili peppers, manioc, cotton, and agave are thought to have been cultivated in gardens tended near the home.[3]

Ethnohistorical and Zooarchaeological Evidence of Meat Usage

Hunting is believed to have supplied the Maya with their main source of meat, though several animals, such as dog pek[14] [pek] and turkey ulum[14] [ulum], may have been domesticated. Animals hunted for meat, as well as for other purposes, include deer, manatee, armadillo, tapir, peccary, monkey, guinea pig and other types of fowl, turtle and iguana, with the majority of meat coming from white tailed deer as evident from animal remains found in middens.[3] The Maya diet was also supplemented by the exploitation, at least in coastal areas, of maritime resources, including fish, lobster, shrimp, conch, and other shellfish.

The zooarchaeological evidence from the sites of Lamania and Tipu have provided us with an abundance of information about the types of animals being exploited. The zooarchaeological evidence (5,737 remains from Lamanai and 24,590 remains from Tipu) were collected from midden deposits and structures near and in the ceremonial center of the site.[15] While white tailed deer remain the most exploited animal at the sites throughout time, there are shifts over time from larger mammals to small mammals, aviary species such as turkey, and aquatic resources such as fish, turtles, and molluscs.[16]

While it may seem improbable that aquatic resources were being exploited by inland sites, the site of Caracol, located in the Maya Mountains of Belize, displays evidence of marine resources being brought to the site and transported while still alive.[17] Archaeological evidence supported this as a diverse set of marine resources were found from subsistence and ceremonial contexts at Caracol.[18] The most likely candidates for this type of live transport from the ocean up to the mountains by river would be stingrays, grunts, sea catfish, and parrotfish.

Stable Isotopic Evidence of Maya Diet

Stable isotopic analysis of carbon and nitrogen from human skeletal remains has been conducted at multiple Maya sites from the lowlands of Belize, the Peten, the Yucatan peninsula, and the highlands of Guatemala.[19] The first applications of this practice were conducted on the remains found in the Tehuacan Valley and suggest that maize was a dietary staple as early at 4500 BP.[20] However the bulk of information is represented by over 600 individuals dating from the Preclassic to the Postclassic period and substantiates that subsistence adaptations were present and caused by chronology, geographic and environmental factors, and cultural pressures.[19] In the Maya lowlands of Belize, carbon and nitrogen data from collagen have been analyzed from ten sites. The average C13 collagen values are -12.6 ± 1.2 per mil, indicating that C4 sources made up 50% of ancient Maya diet. These average values change very slightly in the Early, Late, and Terminal Classic periods, with averages of -11.3 ± -2.3 per mil. In the Peten region, Preclassic values for collagen C13 average -10.2 ± -1.2 per mil, indicating that C4 sources made up 70% of ancient Maya diet in this region. These differences in region may be attributed to the greater access to marine and aquatic resources in Belize. As discussed earlier, there is evidence that marine animals were being brought alive to inland sites by means of river waterways.[17] Areas of the Peten and the Yucatan may have been too far away from coastal regions for this concept to be utilized.

Of course diet varied greatly by site and region. For example, at Pacbitun maize was found to be heavily relied upon by the elite males found in the ceremonial center. This goes against ideas about maize as a commoner food and the idea that elites has greater access to a wide variety of resources. Furthermore this data contradicts what is found about elite diets at other sites like Copan and Lamania. Overall maize played a large role in diet at the site but access to maize varied by age, sex, and social status. Males and adults consumed more than females and children and this difference is most likely caused by social status.[21] Furthermore, maize consumption varied through time. During the flourishing periods of the Early and Late Classic, maize comprised about 72-77% of the diet of individuals living at Pacbitun.[21] This drops 10% in the Terminal Classic as the population became less reliant on maize.[21] This could be caused by a more diverse diet due to trade or an increased reliance on other local foods. Another possibility is that attempts at producing enough maize to support the growing population failed.

Other

The Maya are believed to be the first people to have discovered and cultivated the cacao plant for food.[22] The cocoa beans were ground up mixed with chili peppers, cornmeal and honey to create a drink called xocolatl (a Nahuatl word). Only the rich and noble could drink this. They also used cacao beans as ceremonial sacrifices to their gods.

Soy has become part of Mayan diet.[23][24][25][26][27][28][29]

See also

Notes

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  6. Mt. Pleasant, Jane (2006). "The science behind the Three Sisters mound system: An agronomic assessment of an indigenous agricultural system in the northeast". In John E. Staller, Robert H. Tykot, and Bruce F. Benz. Histories of maize: Multidisciplinary approaches to the prehistory, linguistics, biogeography, domestication, and evolution of maize. Amsterdam. pp. 529–537.
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  14. 14.0 14.1 Mayan dictionary (1997). Wired Humanities Project. Retrieved September 13, 2012, from link
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  22. Bogin 1997, Coe 1996, Montejo 1999, Tedlock 1985
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  27. History of Soymilk
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References

  • Benz, B.F. (1986). Taxonomy and Evolution of Mexican Maize (doctoral dissertation). University of Wisconsin, Madison.
  • Coe, Sophie D. (1994) America's first cuisines ISBN 0-292-71159-X